Beata Klimkiewicz
Ethnic Minorities And Media In
DEMOCRACY WITHOUT ADVOCACY?
The fledgling
democracies of Eastern Europe have shown how quickly they learn from the West -
or are able to lapse into their old traditions - when it comes to discriminating
and assaulting Jews, Roma and Sinti (Gypsies),
Teun A.van Dijk ( "Elite Discourse and Racism", 14414k106o 1993:4)
1. CIVIL SOCIETY AND PUBLIC SPHERE
As a result of
political, economic and social changes, which took place in
The idea of civil
society emerged as a reinterpretation of the relationship between the state and
society with strong impact on individualism/privacy, the market, pluralism and
class (Giner 1985, Rau 1991, Goban-Klas ). In ideal terms, civil society is based on the equal
rights of its individual members and on tolerance as a constitutive element of
its normative framework. Heltai and Rau argue (Rau ), that a nation-state would not be able to provide
a legal framework to protect these rights (especially those of ethnic
minorities) in nonpartisan way. Therefore, civil societies could flourish in
One of the important institutional elements of civil society is public sphere. Jurgen Habermas conceptualizes the public sphere as the realm of social life where the exchange of information and views on question of common concern can take place so that public opinion can be formed (Dahlgren, 1995:8). Following Jurgen Habermas, Nicholas Garnham defines the public sphere as the network of media, educational knowledge and opinion-forming institutions within civil society whose operation is conducive to the emergence of public opinion as a political power (Garnham, 1986 in: Jakubowicz, 1993:155). Much the public sphere has been institutionally subsumed under the mass media, and as Peter Dahlgren emphasizes (Dahlgren, 1995: 155) the mass media - as institutions - in turn straddle the boundaries between the system levels of state/power and economy/money on the one hand, and civil society on the other".
My paper will
illustrate how ethnic minority issues have been implemented in the framework
within which communication policy operates. I will examine how a new public sphere in
2. ETHNICITY
Who are the
ethnic minorities in
2.1. ETHNIC
MINORITIES IN
An ethnic minority can be understood as a part of national population that differs in ethnicity from predominant members of a population. According Abner Cohen ethnic group is a collectivity of people who
"(a) share some patterns of normative behaviour and (b) form a part of a larger population, interacting with people from other collectivities within the framework of a social system. The term ethnicity refers to the degree of conformity by members of the
collectivity to these shared norms in the course of social interaction". (Cohen,1976: ix)
At the same time, categorical ethnic distinctions do not depend on isolation, but do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the course of individual life histories (Barth, 1969:9).
Given such a
definition, we can distinguish following ethnic minorities in
Ukrainians
(300.000 - 0,78% of entire population), Belorussians
(200.000 - 0,52%), Germans (200.000 - 0,52%), Roma /Gypsies (25.000 - 0,07%),
Jews (15.000 - 0,04%), Ruthenians (15.000 - 0,04%),
Lithuanians (15.000 - 0,04%), Slovaks (12.500 - 0,03%), Greeks and Macedonians
(10.000 - 0,03%), Czechs (7.500 - 0,02%), Tatars (3.000 - 0,01%), others
(10.000 - 0,03%). Within the total population of
In addition,
among several million Polish Silesians in both Upper and
2.2. HISTORICAL CONTEXT AS SOCIAL MEMORY
There are two
basic reasons why ethnic minority issues are important for constituing
new public sphere in
The first is
social memory through which the images of the past (ethnic tensions in interwar
and in communist
Social memory is
related to an implicit rule that participants in any social order must
presupposed shared images of the past (Connerton,1989:3).
Within Polish society, a cornerstone of such a shared memory is the emergence
of the
Later, 'pacification' changed to a policy of assimilation. The mass media conceived all of ethnic affairs and events as a taboo. The new communist administration did not officially recognize nationality as a demographic category and deliberately under-counted and under-estimated the size of minority groups (Bugajski : 364). Since October 1956, national and ethnic minorities have been allowed to create their own press, but under the financial and political control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. All the papers were obliged to promote a communist ideology. The famous motto of J.V.Stalin "nationalist in form, socialist in content" provided the 'ideal' platform for all the minority papers, which differed only by language, since the contents supposed to be the same. As Adam Rok points out "Jewish paper Folk-Sztyme did not differ from the press published in communist Poland (...) Its agenda was anti-zionistic along with the policy of the Polish Communist Party" (Rok, 1992:143) Similarly, Ukrainian Nasze Slowo did not addressed the topics charged by significant meaning for Ukrainian minority, such as religious problems, regionalism issues, increasing assimilation, history of Polish-Ukrainian relations, etc. Slovak monthly Zivot very prudently 'touched' on the claim for masses in Slovak language and cautiously mentioned a serious conflict in Nowa Biala village, where the catholic church was closed for seven years because of religious tensions. Zivot also promoted ethnically neutral 'Czechoslovakian socialist' culture instead of focusing on regional one (more relevant for the inhabitants of Spisz and Orawa regions). An 'official' press of German minority was not published at all.
In March 1968, a
national paper Slowo Powszechne used the word Zionist. Trybuna Ludu
identified Zionists as agents of Israel's government who were enemies of the
Polish government and the Polish nation Goban-Klas, 1994: 134) Although the full truth about the
causes of the March events and the power struggle is still unknown, it is
obvious, that the student protest was used by the ruling party, which earlier
had assumed control of the mainstream media, as proof of a worldwide Jewish
conspiracy. By the end of 1968, two-thirds of
Assimilationist pressure increased once again during the 1970s, as the ruling party pursued its thesis of a single Polish nation. Cultural activities were curtailed as state funding was held back and Interior Ministry stiffened its controls. The minority newspapers extended content devoted to the Polish culture and covered nationally important cultural events. During the Solidarity era, in the early 1980s, there was some resurgence of minority activity as party lost its grip over various aspects of public life. As Janusz Bugajski points out,
several minorities sought to have their sociocultural associations transformed into politically representative bodies, demanded parliamentary seats, petitioned for greater access to the mass media, and claimed larger state funds for their publishing ventures.
(Bugajski,1994: 366).
In the end of 80s, the 'second circulation' of Ukrainian newspapers developed immensely, what in consequence, started the process of manifold transformation of Ukrainian press.
In June 1989
2.3. FORCED MIGRATION
With the collapse
of communism,
Civil wars in
several post-communist states have brought a large variety of war refugees and
displaced persons transiting
Janusz Bugajski warns, that Poland
would be hard pressed to accommodate large numbers of migrants and would fear
that their presence could lead to economic crisis and social instability and
even aggravate inter-ethnic relations and anti-foreigner sentiments (Bugajski, 1994:366) Until now, Polish authorities have not
decided to adopt detailed regulations on refugees, such as were adopted in
Czechoslovakia in 1990. According to the article 10 of the Aliens Act, the
decision on granting asylum in
Neither the
Aliens Act currently in force, nor the draft act provide for a special category
of de facto refugees. De facto refugee status protects a large
number of refugees, who are unable or unwilling to obtain recognition of the
1951 Convention status, or are unable or unwilling for valid reasons to return
to their country of origin. (Voutira,, 1996:57) In
Until now, the mainstream media have hardly described new ethnicities which forced migration caused; they also have not explored inter-ethnic relations between the Poles and new immigrants. The point of maximum focus became the issue of illegal immigration and restriction of asylum policies of the Polish government.
3. TRANSFORMATION OF PUBLIC SPHERE
The public sphere
as one of the most important components of civil society is constituted in the
active reasoning of the public - it is via such discourse that public opinion
about the ethnic minorities is generated and enriched by the minority views,
which in turn is to shape the ethnic policies of the state and development of
society as actually operates. The recent development of public sphere in
3.1. PARTICULARIZATION
The Bill on the Annulation of the Law on Control of Publications and
Performances, the Abolition of its Control Organs and the Change of the Press
Law come into force on the 11 April 1990. It declared the definitive abolition
of censorship in
The trend of
particularization involved also the emergence of ethnic minority media and
after a period of deep-freeze in communism, also a visible interest on the part
of mainstream media to address ethnic minority issues freely for the first time
since WW II. Among 42 registered papers of ethnic minorities in
"Democratization of political system
in
with their own voice" (Pacholczyk, 1993:140)
From June 1989 the following Ukrainian papers have appeared on the press market: Lystok Myrjan, Holka, Osnowy, Myrjanin, Swiczado, Widryzka, Blahowist, Dialog, Homin, Miz Susidami, Nad Buhom i Narwoju, Preremyski Dzwony, Sustreczy, Plastowy Wisnyk. Similarly, 9 papers of German minority have appeared since 1989 (among them Hoffnung, Oberschlesise Zeitung, Mittelungs-Blatt der Deutschen Minderheit, etc).
3.2. UNIVERSALIZATION
At the same time, the process of market economy transition has imposed new, more uniformed and ethnically unified mass media contents for the purpose of reaching the largest possible audience at the expense of a culturally heterogeneous and multi-ethnic society. Privatization has been followed by concentration of media ownership with consequent narrowing of interests and results in homogenization of cultural products. Increasing technical sophistication facilitating the reproduction and transmission of information (satellite RMF Radio, television companies PolSat and Polonia) has not had a comparable effect in extending access to information. Programmes about ethnic minorities have been produced only by national Polish Television. It is a cruel irony indeed, that its regional branches lack in turn appropriate technical equipment. (Slovaks living in the mountainous Spisz and Orawa regions for example, cannot reach TV Krakow which produces documentaries about the Slovak minority).
Defining a new public sphere, Polish theorists of mass communication have mainly focused on its economic features and described transition of communication system in free-market terms, not in terms of pluralism. Angela Spindler-Brown suggests, that in post-communist reality, the privatization of the press and broadcasting has not brought diverse pluralistic media. On the contrary the range, coverage and quality, as perceived by readers are deteriorating. The only innovation provided by the market is the emergence of 'boulverad' type newspapers (not in tabloid size) offering titillation and saturation advertising. (Spindler-Brown, 1994:532). Hence, one can raise an important issue of marketization and nationalization of public sphere in developing East-European democracies.
What is at stake is whether people's identities as citizens can largely be reduced to and framed in consumer terms or whether some sense of the political - beyond market logics - can be retained in people's conception of citizenship? (Dahlgren, 1995: 23)
3.3. HOW MANY PUBLIC SPHERES?
Both of these tendencies - particularization and universalisation - are in tension and act simultaneously. The more a society is integrated and united around the fundamental values of the existing social order, the more likely it is to have just one public sphere. The more divided it is , the greater is the likelihood of the various groups within it creating institutions of will- and opinion - formation constituing different public spheres, taking fundamentally different stands on the legitimacy of the prevailing social order. (Jakubowicz , Negt and Kluge 83, Downing 84). Similarly, Dahlgren poses a question of whether there is a need to argue for a single large pluralistic public sphere which connects many smaller discrete arenas or whether one posits that multiplicity of many smaller public spheres is what constitutes the public sphere as a whole. (Dahlgren, 1995: 18)
1. If a national consensus on the shape of the new social order can be worked out (...) then the reasons for the existence of different public spheres no longer apply,
2. If the new order proves as divisive as the old one, then at least 2 public
spheres - the official and the opposition one will emerge out of the present
process of change.,
3. (...) Differences of opinion concerning the best ways of overcoming
Jakubowicz seems however to support the first variant, or in
other words, one universal and integrated public sphere: One day, when
society does become integrated and united around the fundamental values of the
transformed, democratic and prosperous social order, Poland may end up having
only one public sphere to speak of. (Jakubowicz,
1993:172) Within applying such a variant one peril appears in
3.4. COMMON AND ADVOCACY DOMAIN
Dahlgren proposes a different way in which to look at the public sphere - through the common and the advocacy domain. Dahlgren understands the common domain as the arena which strives for universalism. It is built mostly from the dominant media, which ideally provide information, debate and opinion for all members of society. The common domain basically reflects the liberal tradition of the media serving citizens in an impartial manner. (Dahlgren, 1995:156)
Advocacy domain would be setting for all citizens who wish to pursue special interests, and generate group-based cultural and political interpretation of society. It would serve partly as alternative and oppositional public spheres for different groups allowing them not only to air and shape their own views, but also to develop their group identities. The advocacy domain consists partly of time and space made available within the mainstream media and partly of smaller 'civic media' from political parties, interest groups, movements, organizations and networks.(Fraser 1992, Dahlgren 1995)
I will use this
framework further in the text in examining, how ethnic minority issues are
implemented in the formation of new public sphere in
4. COMMON DOMAIN: MAINSTREAM MEDIA
4.1. REPRESENTATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES
What most people know about other ethnic groups is based on images and narratives constructed by the media. Even those who live and work in multi-ethnic environments learn to see each other in these terms. Representation of ethnic minorities can be concerned with how topics about them are presented, which modes of discourse are at work, and what character have debates and discussion . In empirical terms the concern is largely with journalism, as it is broadly understood. (Dahlgren, 1995: 15)
As Dahlgren assumes, the dimension of representation in the public sphere points to such basic questions as WHAT should be selected for portrayal and HOW should it be presented. According to him, the criteria relating to media representations should only have an 'until further notice' character since they must respond to an ever-changing social reality. (Dahlgren,1995: 15)
The main problem
encountered by Polish journalists after 1989 was how they were going to depict
and describe ethnic minorities that have emerged in new political discourse. As
an information gap needed to be filled with basic data, the journalists broadly
asserted that ethnic, national and religious minorities exist in
Murdock distinguishes 3 important ways in which the communications system is implemented in the constitution of citizenship. One of them says:
[In order for people to exercise their full rights as citizens] they must be able to recognize themselves and their aspirations in the range of representations on offer within
the central communications sectors and be able to contribute to developing and extending
these representations." (in :Husband, 1994: 6).
Nevertheless,
there have been different styles of depicting the ethnic minorities in
I will isolate 3 cases as representative of the different types of images and narratives of ethnic minorities in the Polish mainstream media, conceptualized and categorized on the basis of discourse analysis of newspaper and TV reports and interviews with the journalists and ethnic minority members.
4.2. ESSENTIALISM, NEGATIVISM, EXOTICISM
Essentialism
Our sense who we are to ourselves and to others takes on relevance for the public sphere because it shapes the way in which we participate, and may well determine if we participate or not. (Dahlgren, 1995:23)
Until recently, Slovaks hardly appeared in Polish mainstream media. The new urge for minorities brought journalists among them doing features on the most distinct signs of their life: language, folklore, institutions. However these representations remained one-dimensional in depicting Slovak identity as mutually exclusive to Polish ethnic identity. Ethnicity was described as an unalterable fact of life determined at birth, but not as a matter of negotiation between self-identity and imagined communities.
In doing so, journalists also remained insensitive to the complexities of minority issues most of which entail not a mutually exclusive choice between either Pole or Slovak, but more often than not especially among members of the 2nd generation the choice is neither/nor or both (Eriksen, 1993).Controversial questions arise: is a Slovak essence shaping all 'Slovak experiences'? Is there only 'one' legitimate Slovak experience?
The older people living in Orawa region finds a division into Slovaks, Poles and Orawians as clear and exclusive. The youngsters, on the contrary, embrace different cultures without an internal dissonance. In addition, all of them when watching TV or reading newspapers employ a number of selective filters, which reflect, for example, their age, gender and class. (Husband, 1994:10)
The only image of Slovaks, journalists were willing to depict ( fitting to preferences of their imagined, ethnically unified audience) was: distinct (essential Slovak) and weak (needs our help).
"We seem to be oversensitive" - said Augustyn Andraszak, the leader of ethnic Slovaks, for Gazeta Krakowska - "But when the strongest beats the weakest, the lattes shouts very loudly to be heard". This metaphor quoted often by media fixed certain images, which the majority have already accepted. A clear distinction between "us" and "them" enabled to display ethnic minority in ways favourable to dominant group. "Conquered" ethnic events became a subordinate part of the common domain, being deprived of encountering contradictory images.
Negativism
There are many minority voices normally excluded from the mainstream media that are allowed to speak in times of crisis. But in times of crisis the media do structure these voices in a hierarchy of legitimation that is a product of the dominant value system (Fiske, 1994: 484) In June 1991 in the Polish town of Mlawa, a teenage Roma driver ran over two young pedestrians. One of them, a boy, died, and the other, a girl, was crippled as a result. Two days after the accident a group of local people attacked the Roma people who lived in Mlawa. Several houses were burnt down, many people have been injured. The press reported that the reason for the pogrom was the fact that the driver had fled the scene and was still at large thanks to the fact that his parents had bribed the police and public prosecutor. In fact, the driver's father had himself taken his son to the police.
Journalists (mostly from regional and local newspapers) presented the accident committed by the young Roma in terms of the social problems the Roma community creates for the Polish majority. At the same time, they gave a possible social explanation of the pogrom: a furious majority population reacted to the sleaze (in fact imagined). The power over discourse became a material one: the note that the father of the young driver paid a bribe was also the power to put those engaged in it into prison and to know that prison was the solution to the problem. (Fiske, 1994: 472). Thus, for example, the weekly Polityka (32/1991, pp 10) publishes an article entitled 'A Gypsy is guilty'.
Visualizing minority-majority relations as conflictive and tense, the journalists chose in both the cases irrelevant background information of the ethnic event: the crime committed by the young Roma had only bad consequences, while the crime perpetrated by Polish majority had "rational reasons". Granted exclusively to majority, such an advantage to explain causes of negative occurrences demonstrates the priority of dominant discourse and consequently, it deprives the particular ethnic group of the opportunity to place alternative images of itself before others.
Exoticism
In the television, Ruthenians are shown as bare-footed peasants living in primitive wooden cottages. They can sing, play on strange old instruments, but never drive Western cars or run enterprises. Piotr Trochanowski, Ruthenian poet and journalist
As soon as a
journalist has found out, that there is nothing exotic about the protestant
church in
Since recognizing Ruthenian minority by Polish media, depiction of Ruthenian life has been reduced to the level of folklore. Cultural differences and especially cultural deviance were explained in terms of assumed cultural properties of the Ruthenians. Turning distinctness into curiosity and exoticism deprived the Ruthenians of being a partner with whom majority could have normal relations based on disagreement, defense, rivalry, criticism or support.
At the same time, the fact that journalists did not find the protestant minority sufficiently exotic has lead to their invisibility in the Polish media; the protestants were simply ignored. By and large, exoticism strongly supports ostensibly bold thesis that the common domain largely prevails in Polish public sphere.
In sum, essentialism, negativism and exoticism evoke in part the discussion above on universalistic versus particularistic discourse rules in media representations; regardless of possible inherent suppressive aspects of the dominant modes of political communications, if one does not have access to them or at least to their translatable equivalence, one is excluded from processes of democratic participation. (Dahlgren, 1995: 19) And to have access does not mean to be an object for investigation only. The public sphere is not just a marketplace of information, in which a'bad story' about the ethnic minorities will be sold well. It is also main societal space for creation and distribution of culture, which gives meaning to our identities and thus, forms our vision of pluralistic democracy.
4.3. BETWEEN COMMON AND ADVOCACY DOMAIN
As active
participants in the public sphere (viewers, readers, journalists, actors, eye-witneses) we always have to balance our identities as
citizens, which implies some sort of universality and commitment to a 'civic
culture' with the particular ethnic identities which are related to pursuing
specific interests. In the TV Krakow a documentary programme has appeared, whose authors put in its agenda both the advocacy
and common domain. The weekly magazine U siebie
(Being at home) was originally established in 1991 as a TV program devoted to
ethnic minorities in the Polish National Television. Since 1994, it has taken
on a documentary form in the regional branch of national broadcasting in
4.4. IMMIGRATION SCRIPT
A crucial issue
relating to transformation of public sphere in
To illustrate how
the phenomenon of forced migration is portrayed in the Polish mainstream media,
I will implicate some general comments derived from discourse analysis of the
news reports in one of the major Polish newspapers Rzeczpospolita
from June - December 1996 (a period of big influx of refugees to
First of all, the
points of maximum visibility and turbulence for the journalists of Rzeczpospolita are: crime (with special
emphasis on smuggling refugees from the East to
Second, the images of asylum-seekers and refugees are created with the following presuppositions: asylum seekers and refugees are seldom the agents of positive or neutral action in the Rezeczpospolita. If they are agents, they mostly commit crimes (including illegal immigration They are almost never defined by journalists as refugees, even if the majority of them still waits for decision on refugee status. The significant token of 'exclusive' image of displaced people is also to emphasize their negative properties (arrested, captured, smuggled, filling the prisons, concealed, applying for refugee status to avoid deportation, etc ) which stand in contrast with good qualities of the police and immigration authorities. The journalists fix also another distinction produced by asylum policy agenda - distinction between refugee/migrant. In the media images, one part of this distinction - refugee - is typically counterposed and hence defined against the other - migrant. The implication is, that Rzeczpospolita allows to show only the images of refugees which fit very well to the images projected by policy makers - hungry, poor, victims, vulnerable. One, who does not meet these features is simply classified as illegal immigrant, and terefore criminal. And finally, only foreigners with residence permits are given the privilege of appearing in Rzeczpospolita in other roles than those of criminals or victims, though even their images are displayed in ways favoure to journalists or policy makers (guests, representatives of exotic cultures).
Third, Rzeczpospolita legitimises and down-grades particular asylum policies. Among the legitimised are mostly restrictionist policies: immediate expulsion of transit migrants discovered in Poland, expulsion after readmission of refugees from Germany, arresting and detention of refugees in prisons, narrow definition of refugee status (according to 1951 Convention) and hence all its practical consequences. Among those down-graded are: long asylum determination procedure, non-refoulment, improvement of asylum-seekers' protection, including to additional categories of refugees - in orbit, de facto, sur place, and in transit - in the new Aliens' Act, debated recently by the Polish Parliament.
In sum, such a representation of forced migration in one of the biggest Polish dailies intercedes for exclusion of the advocacy domain from public sphere. By using of immigration script, the journalists operate within dominant discourse and hardly leave a space for presenting alternative views brought up by immigrants and asylum-seekers themselves.
5. ADVOCACY DOMAIN: MINORITY MEDIA
5.1. PLURALISTIC START
Being outside the
mainstream media system, minority media do not possess universal range and tend
to be strictly associated with ethnic or religious communities. Since they
pursue special interests: fighting for minority rights, strengthening ethnic
identity and making it visible; they lie in an
advocacy rather than in common domain of the public sphere. Hence, their
position within communication system can indicate the degree to which the
advocacy domain has developed within the public sphere. The opportunities open
to ethnic minority media depend to an enormous extent on the communication and
ethnic policy of the state. The years 1989-1992 saw a genuine breakthrough in
the approach to minorities in
5.2. NEW AGENDA
New conditions
within the state brought a new agenda to the minority media in
Similarly, Jewish
Dos Yidishe Worth set up an alternative
agenda vis-a-vis mainstream press: fight against antisemitism in
5.3. IMPOSING ADVOCACY
The promising start of particularization of public sphere was retained by several factors, one of which was due to changed policy of the Office for National and Ethnic Minorities in the Ministry of Culture and Art. In spring 1995, the vice-minister of culture, Michal Jagiello stated:
We have turned
from deserving minorities upon deserving minority cultures. However the support
for 'minority cultures' has been reduced to the support for some cultural
events and to the level of folklore. Thus, the Ministry of Culture and Art has
supported minority culture festivals (Ukrainian and Ruthenian
'Watra', the Festival of Roma culture in Gorzow, etc), which could be favorably presented by the
national media. As Charles Husband points out, the celebration of a people's
capacity for resistance can too easily contribute to a willing avoidance of
engaging with the specific realities of their contemporary subordination.
(Husband, 1994: 13) Thus, where state develops ethnic minority media
strategies, there is a need to monitor the role of the state in specifying the
ethnic categories that are recognized within its policies. These may
privilege specific identities and operate with imposed conceptions of ethnic
identities that are functionally meaningless for those located within them Husband, 1994:
11) As shown, in
The total number
of active titles in
Regional branches
of the Polish National Radio broadcast few programs in Ukrainian ( in
At present, the Office for National and Ethnic Minorities finances one journal for for each minority associated in its own organization and registered at the Ministry of Culture and Art. Many of these, were founded or published in the 50-ies under the supervision of the communist government (among them: Belorussian Niwa - 1956, Ukrainian Nasze Slowo - 1956, Slovak Zivot - 1956, Lithuanian Ausra - 1960, Jewish Folk-Sztyme - 1946).
On one hand, new
agenda has developed in the minority press, on the
other hand new peril has appeared with implementation of state communication
and minority policy: Restricting report attention to one aspect of a minority
life (culture) in the newspapers can lead to intellectual ghettoization.
The newness of information offered by minority press can be exhausted very
quickly in small ethnic communities. Much of the information presented to the
public could be already known to them. This practice curtails the possibility
of productively interacting on an equal footing with other ethnic groups,
whether majority or minority Riggins, 1992) This
could be challenged only by the creation of the advocacy domain supporting multiperspective journalism which counters the prevailing
understanding that there is only one version of what constitutes truth or
reality and only one way to talk about it. In terms of representation, the
advocacy status of minority media means that they will be portraying the world
in ways which may differ from the canons of professional journalism Dahlgren,
1995:159) In any case, the public sphere in
6. CONCLUSIONS
By and large, the
public sphere in
The public sphere
in
NOTES:
*These figures come from corrected census of population conducted by Polish authorities on 30th of September 1921 (Horak, 1958:182)
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