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Estonia Comes To Terms With Past of KGB

politics


#575, Friday, June 9, 2000



TOP STORY

Estonia Comes To Terms With Past of KGB

Deportations

By Vladimir Kovalyev

STAFF WRITER

TALLINN - In the basement of Estonia's State Archive building one yellowing page

after another tells the story - in KGB-bureacratese - of the deportation of one family

after another to Siberia the night of June 14, 1941.

The pages in the folders crackle, but the ink is still visible: A deportation order for a

family, including a three-year-old girl; a 78-year-old man deported for owning a modest

plot of land; a 21-year-old man executed for belongin 15215o1416p g to a youth group called the

Young Eagles; a 17-year-old boy exiled for wearing the "wrong" school badge.

All were a part of the 10,000 men, women and children deported at gun-point that night

and chuffed off by jack-booted Red Army soldiers into cattle cars for deportation.

Husbands were separated from wives and children. Three-quarters of those deported

that night did not survive the brutal Siberian winter.

Accounts by Estonian President Lennart Meri, who was also deported with his family

that fateful day when he was 12, revealed the chaotic scene at the station in the Boston

Globe recently.

"There were cattle carriages with small windows and iron bars. Behind these bars I saw

human faces, children weeping, women weeping," he said.

As a high ranking Estonian diplomat, Meri's father Georg was taken on a separate train.

They never met again.

The Estonian State Archives contain 43,683 files on people who were deported from the

country to Siberia in 1941, 1949 and 1951. Documenting them all is an almost endless

task. In total, 274,260 suffered from the reparations - from KGB harassment to execution

- that began in 1941 and continued until 1988.

The KGB archives in Estonia were thrown open six years ago - unlike their Russian

counterparts, which remain sealed - but interest in them remains high, not only for the

hundreds who visit annually seeking news of relatives, but for law-enforcement

officials, who have vowed to punish those who ordered deportation and executions.

It is slow work. So far, Estonian courts have convicted only a few former secret police

officials who organized deportations and political executions. All received suspended

sentences, Hannes Kont, a spokesman for Estonia's Security Police, told The St.

Petersburg Times.

But in order to build a "free and democratic future," Meri said in the Globe interview,

"Estonia must shed the bright light of truth" on its tragic past.

And within the general population, a somber interest in the files has been rekindled by

the approaching 55-year anniversary of that June 14 night as families try to find the

names of relatives and, in some cases, their own.

"I was awakened at about 4 a.m. with my brother," said Leo Oispuu, 69, in an interview

of the night the Soviet secret police came for his family. His father, it turns out, was

guilty of working in the local self administration body in Tallinn.

"Our maidservant said that soldiers were waiting outside and we had half an hour to

gather our belongings."

When they were brought to the station with several hundred other families, he, his

mother and his brother were separated from their father by soldiers.

Terrifying as it was, the 10-year-old Oispuu recalled the deportation, with some guilt, as

a kind of adventure.

"I was thinking that this is OK, I will go to Russia to see how people live there. I did not

even think that I would end up spending so many years there in exile," he said.

In the end, his exile lasted 17 years. During that time, his father died in one of the 857

anonymous Siberian camps where Estonians were imprisoned. There is no record of

where. He watched his mother die of starvation in the camp where they were kept, and

his brother died of exhaustion after being forced into physical labor beyond his

capacity.

He also escaped back to Tallinn in 1948 for a few months until he was caught again and

sent back into exile. He was put in charge of tending to livestock, which began his first

lessons in Russian.

"I learned just a few short words, I think rude ones, " he said. "The cattle understood,

though, so that was enough."

Later, as his Russian became more refined, he enrolled at the nearby Yekaterinburg

Polytechnical Institute, despite the obstacles Russian authorities invented against his

matriculation.

"It was prohibited for us to join the full time student body," Oispuu said. "I had a

feeling that they wanted to destroy our nation not just physically, but morally." Despite

this, he managed to earn a degree from the technological and industrial department.

In 1958, a relaxing of regulations allowed Estonians wishing to return home to do so, as

Oispuu did. But the Estonian population had undergone a profound change during the

war. Where before the war the country was populated by 95 percent Estonians, the

immigration of Russians loyal to Moscow pushed the ethnic population of Estonians

down to 65 percent. It had also suffered the double insult of being occupied by Nazi

and then Red Army troops.

Oispuu now heads an organization called Memento which brings together former

victims of the purge. It has been operating since 1989 - two years before Estonia

declared its independence.

Now, as he and his colleagues examine the charges brought against their "anti-Soviet"

countrymen, they could almost laugh if the tragedies cataloged were not so mordant.

Joseph Siirmae, born in 1863, was sent to Siberia for 10 years because of his plot of land

and domestic animals.

According to his file, the gist of Siirmae's crime was that "before the Soviet Power was

established in Estonia, he had a large farm with 197 hectares of land, a water mill,

agricultural implements, and employed four permanent and three temporary workers."

Then there was Udo Josia, 69, who in 1948 was one of 24 schoolboys to defy Soviet

norms and wear pins from prior to the invasion with their school uniforms. Accused by

the KGB of organizing an anti-Soviet group, the 17-year-olds were sentenced to 25

years in Siberian exile.

"They prohibited us to wear old uniform, which we liked," Josia said in an interview.

"They did not understand that it was a sign of patriotism for us."

Josia's "group" was only one of many: From 1945 to 1954, 82 schoolboys were brought

to trial as the KGB "revealed" over 100 so-called anti-Soviet organizations.

Six-hundred-and-sixty-two students, aged between 11 and 16, were arrested for

belonging to supposed anti-Soviet organizations. In many cases, these "organizations"

had just one member - in other words, a kid with a strange pin.

Indeed, many of the protocols in the archives show that schoolchildren were often worn

down with long hours of questioning and driven to such exhaustion that they would

sign confessions against themselves.

The unsteady signature of Evald Kokhler, a 16-year-old from Tartu, attests to this. The

protocol shows that his interrogation began at 11:30 a.m. but neglects to record the time

it finished.

Other students rebelled - and had a good time of it.

"We were young and for us it was like a game," said Josia. "But on the other hand we

were consciously protesting against invaders."

Many of these students cooperated with so-called forest brothers, Estonian partisans,

who created havoc for the Soviets during the occupation year. At one point, tens of

thousands of young men took to the woods and hid in underground shelters. They

would emerge and kill Soviet officers, policemen and other authorities and then

disappear back into the woods. They received food and support and weapons from

local villages.

Their hey-day came to an end in the late '50s, however, as the KGB infiltrated the

organization. One of its leaders, identified in reports as Kozenkranius, was caught by

agents when he was fed a sandwich with a sleeping pill by someone he thought to be a

partisan fighter.

Now, Estonians are free to view this part of their past on dusty parchment, but what

they make of it is anybody's guess. So far, law enforcement is most involved, poring

over the documents, looking for signatures that match the signatures on the

deportation orders and death warrants. Then officials try to match those signatures with

living people to bring them to trial.

But year by year, both the victims and the oppressors are dying off.

"You can only convict a person if you have real evidence, not just somebody making a

speech saying he is guilty," said the Security Police's Kont in his Globe interview.

"The main idea is to get the court to prove that the Soviet regime committed crimes

against humanity. This is not a question of revenge, but one of justice."

copyright The St. Petersburg Times 1999


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